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The Vatican rejected certain forms of Latin American liberation theology for focusing on institutionalized or systemic sin and for identifying Catholic Church hierarchy in South America as members of the same privileged class that had long been oppressing indigenous populations from the arrival of Pizarro onward.
It did, however, lay the groundwork, and since then liberation theology has developed rapidly in the Latin American Catholic Church. He represented a more orthodox position, becoming a favourite of Pope John Paul II and the "principal scourge of liberation theology.
Despite the orthodox bishops' predominance in CELAM, a more radical form of liberation theology remained much supported in South America. Thus, the Puebla Conference was an opportunity for orthodox bishops to reassert control of the radical elements, but they failed.
At the Puebla Conference, the orthodox reorientation was met by strong opposition from the liberal part of the clergy, which supported the concept of a " preferential option for the poor ". The general tone of his remarks was conciliatory.
He criticized radical liberation theology, saying, "this idea of Christ as a political figure, a revolutionary, as the subversive of Nazareth, does not tally with the Church's catechesis ";  however, he did acknowledge that "the growing wealth of a few parallels the growing poverty of the masses,"  and affirmed both the principle of private property and that the Church "must preach, educate individuals and collectivities, form public opinion, and offer orientations to the leaders of the peoples" towards the goal of a "more just and equitable distribution of goods".
Working from a seminary and with aid from sympathetic, liberal bishops, they partially obstructed other clergy's efforts to ensure that the Puebla Conference documents satisfied conservative concerns. According to a socio-political study of liberation theology in Latin America, a quarter of the final Puebla documents were written by theologians who were not invited to the conference.
In so doing, it explores the relationship between Christian theology especially Roman Catholic and political activism, especially in relation to economic justicepovertyand human rights. The principal methodological innovation is seeing theology from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed.
For example, Jon Sobrino argues that the poor are a privileged channel of God's grace. Some liberation theologians base their social action upon the Bible scriptures describing the mission of Jesus Christas bringing a sword social unreste.
It is only within the framework of this universality that we can understand the preference, that is, 'what comes first'. God is disclosed in the historical "praxis" of liberation.
It is the situation, and our passionate and reflective involvement in it, which mediates the Word of God. Today that Word is mediated through the cries of the poor and the oppressed.
History is the scene of the revelation God makes of the mystery of his person.
His word reaches us in the measure of our involvement in the evolution of history. Practice[ edit ] One of the most radical aspects of liberation theology was the social organization, or reorganization, of church practice through the model of Christian base communities. Liberation theology strove to be a bottom-up movement in practice, with biblical interpretation and liturgical practice designed by lay practitioners themselves, rather than by the orthodox Church hierarchy.
In this context, sacred text interpretation is understood as "praxis". Liberation theology seeks to interpret the actions of the Catholic Church and the teachings of Jesus Christ from the perspective of the poor and disadvantaged.From War To Politics: Resistance/Liberation Movements in Transition.
Veronique Dudouet From War to Politics: Resistance/Liberation Movements in Transition. Author: Veronique Dudouet is a researcher at the Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management. She holds a DEA in International Relations and Security from.
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